EM I is characterised by the so-called Pyrgos, Ayios Onoufrios and Lebena wares. The main characteristic of these wares is the burnished patterns (Branigan 1970:22, Hood 1990). In EM II the fashion for pattern burnish fades out, and a new type of ware known as Vasiliki makes its appearance, especially in eastern Crete. The Vasiliki ware is a mottled fabric produced by differential firing on the vessel (Branigan 1970:30). Towards the end of the EM period wares with an overall wash and decoration in white become increasingly prominent at Knossos and in eastern Crete (Hood 1990:31-2).

If we move to architecture, most of the settlements known to us are of EM II onwards. The most important are those of Vasiliki and Fournou Korifi, Myrtos. At Vasiliki a large house was excavated on a hilltop, which many scholars believe to be a mansion. The building was never completely excavated and we have the plan of what appears to be two wings. It is very possible that there were two further wings, but we cannot be certain. The existing wings are very impressive and consist of a number of rectangular rooms of fair size. The lower parts of the walls are of stone, while above were sun-dried bricks tied by wooden beams vertical and horizontal. The walls were covered with plastered clay with a fine red finish (Pendlebury 1979:62-3, Branigan 1970:44-7).

Another settlement showing similarities with Vasiliki is that excavated by Warren at Fournou Korifi in Myrtos [view plan](Warren 1972). The architectural complex seems to contain over 100 rooms and areas, most of them quite small. The exact boundaries of the settlement are largely eroded but it is almost certain that it did not extend much beyond the excavated area. Warren has argued that the settlement functioned as an integrated whole; 'the form of a single large complex without separately defined houses suggests a social organisation based on a single large unit, a clan or tribe living communally and perhaps not differentiated into individual families, and quite without any apparent chief or ruler' (Warren 1972:267). On the other hand, Branigan (1970:47-9) using the same evidence comes to different conclusions. He believes that the site at Fournou Korifi is a precursor of the early palaces with important men occupying these houses. Whitelaw gives a quite different interpretation. He views the site as a 'small, egalitarian, rural community, whose basic unit of organisation was the nuclear family' (Whitelaw 1990:336). Whatever interpretation we may choose one thing becomes clear; both sites imply a move towards a more complex society, with some hints of hierarchy being developed. Finally, another very interesting find is the so called 'Hypogeum' at Knossos, a large underground chamber, probably dome-shaped, with a staircase leading down from the top. It is probably of an EM II date, and may have been used as granary (Renfrew 1972:97). Again such a construction implies a social complexity due to the fact that only a well - structured, hierarchical society could undertake such a project.

In general, the EM period marks the beginning of a new era for Crete. It is during this period that the island witnesses a growth in population and the development of larger communities. According to Branigan (1995:39) these changes must have created tension in the traditional social structure and must have reduced the significance of the kin-group. Additionally, we have the emergence of social ranking, reflected in burial architecture, grave goods, and the appearance of monumental architecture (e.g. the building at Palaikastro, with walls 2m thick and measured at least 27m x 23m). These social transformations can be considered as part of the process necessary for the rise of the first palaces.

The foundation of the first palace at Knossos must be put at the end of MM IA as the outer walls and the deep walled pits in the NW area indicate (Warren 1987:49). In addition, magazines 3-10 and probably 11-16 were also part of the original palace structure (Branigan 1987:247). The palace at Malia also dates from MM IA, with the central court already established. Recent excavations have revealed monumental architecture and cult areas (a main room measuring 9 x 7.20m) beneath the later Quartiers III and IV (Cherry 1986:27, Warren 1987:48). Additionally, it seems very probable that the main elements of the town at Malia developed at the same time as the palace. Certain similarities between the first palace, the Hypostyle Crypt and Quartier Mu [image], all imply a functional complementarity of buildings issued from the same general programme (Poursat 1987:75). Phaistos [old palace room image] has revealed a complex sequence of building phases, indicating the following: phase Ia began with the southern block of the west wing, a cellular complex of rooms laid out with an impressive west facade against a paved court. In phase Ib, the northern block of the west wing was added, a complex of small interconnected rooms and some store magazines. Branigan (1987, 1988) has divided the remains of the phase I palace into six architectural units. Finally at Zakros a substantial building complex was revealed under the NE part of the LM I palace but with different orientation (Warren 1987:49).

At this point we should point out that the early palaces of Knossos, Phaistos and Malia, all included storage areas such as the West Magazines at Knossos and the so called koulouras (cylindrical ditches). At Knossos three koulouras [image] were found in the West Court and one in the Northwest corner under the Theatral Area. They are dated in the MM IB period and they were used only during the MM IB-IIIA periods (Strasser 1997:75). Many scholars have interpreted their function as granaries (Branigan 1988:64-6, Cadogan:31, Warren 1987:50) but other explanations too have been offered (Strasser 1997). If we accept them as granaries we can estimate that those at Knossos could store 5000cwt of grain, that is a year's supply for perhaps 1000 people (Branigan 1987:246-47, 1988:64-6). At Phaistos four koulouras [image] were found in the West Court, dated in the second and third proto-palatial phases. Branigan (supra) has estimated that they could store 1500cwt of grain, a year's supply for perhaps 300 people. We should point out that all these koulouras were subterranean in contrast to the eight above-ground circular structures found in the SW corner of the palace at Malia [image]. The construction of them is dated to MM I and unlike those at Knossos and Phaistos, they continued to be used in the Second Palace period (Strasser 1997:78).

Middle Minoan Crete also witnessed the construction of a substantial number of buildings side by side with the first palaces, having an official character. For example, we have Quartier Mu and the Hypostyle Crypt at Malia and a building similar to the Crypt at Phaistos (Driessen and Schoep 1995:653). Finally it is very possible that peak sanctuaries also represent a kind of official public work although they have rarely been seen as such (supra:655). Most scholars link their appearance with the emergence of the palaces only in socio-political terms.

But let us have a closer look at the different explanations given by the various scholars. Watrous (1987:65-70) has argued that the MM I period marks the beginning of a close relationship between Crete and the Near East. It is during this period that a number of new vase shapes imitative of Near Eastern appear on Crete, and worship on peak sanctuaries begins. Cretan and Near Eastern cult and divine iconography shows many similarities and the first Minoan palaces are definitely similar to those of Near East, at least as far as the monumentality is concerned. However Graham (1968) after reviewing the architectural origins of the palaces, proposed that any similarity with the Near Eastern palaces (i.e. Mari) was only superficial and that they were designed and developed by the Cretans themselves, responding to local needs. This was confirmed after the excavations at Vasiliki and Myrtos that showed many similarities with the architecture of the first palaces.

Scholars such as Branigan, Renfrew and Halstead believe that the first palaces were the result of an endogenous process, though they come up with different reasons behind that process. Renfrew (1972:297) has argued that 'the growth of the palaces has to be seen in the first instance as the development of redistribution centres for subsistence commodities, controlled by a well-defined social hierarchy'. This subsistence/redistribution model emerged as a consequence of the intensive exploitation of a new spectrum of food plants, notably olives and vines. This led to local specialisation because some arable land was suited to cereals and some to olives and vines. As a result, redistributive chiefs emerged, who gradually became very powerful (Renfrew 1972:480-82). However, Halstead (1981, 1988) has argued that the main function of the first palaces was not simply operating as redistributive centres as suggested by Renfrew, but actually being 'relief redistributors', that is to provide food in cases of famine. He believes that the risk of crop failure causing famine can be reduced by storing the surplus from good years. However, surplus grain is not always a very secure asset (easy to be eradicated) but the limitations of direct storage can be tackled by indirect storage (e.g. grain given to needy neighbours in the expectation that they will also help in a case of emergency). This is called 'social storage'. Although it sounds very altruistic, it is 'inherently likely to lead to increasing inequalities of wealth, status and power...' (Halstead 1988:525). As we can see, social storage establishes both motive and opportunity for the development of a centralised redistributive system with a relief function, namely a palace. Branigan comes and reinforces the notion that the main role of the first palaces was that of a depository/redistributor (Branigan 1988:65-6). As we have already seen the storage capacities of the first palaces were far in excess of the likely grain needs of the occupants.

However, Cherry (1984:26) has drawn attention to similar social and environmental conditions of other Mediterranean islands in the preceding 3rd millennium BC, none of which developed a palatial society like that of Crete. Branigan (1988, 1995) identified some unusual features of Early Bronze Age society in Crete, which may give an answer to the problem. First of all, the population growth in Crete between the Late Neolithic and the end of EM II is perhaps greater than that in the West Mediterranean islands. In addition, there is also a greater emphasis on the nuclear family and the individual. Second, there is increasing evidence for the emergence of social ranking and elites during EM II and EM III. This is mainly attested by the first appearance of monumental architecture. Warren (1987:53) also gives emphasis on the fact that in the case of Knossos and Malia, the palaces came into being 'within already strongly developed urban environments'.

It is certainly not meant to imply that the function of the first palaces was purely economic or that their development can be explained only in economic terms. On the contrary, the palaces fulfilled various functions, including religious activity. Therefore we have to take into consideration religion too. Cherry (1986) has argued that there is a chronological correspondence between the emergence of the first palaces and the appearance of the peak sanctuaries. As he put it: 'this peak-palace nexus reflects a deliberate attempt by the political and economic special interest groups in Minoan polities to consolidate their power by the communal performance of ritual activities revolving around unverifiable sacred propositions' (Cherry 1986:31).

All these transformations may not completely explain the use of the first palaces but at least they provide social conditions in which state formation is facilitated.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
* Branigan, K. (1970), The Foundation of Palatial Crete. London.

* Branigan, K. (1987), "The Economic Role of the First Palaces". In R. Hagg and N. Marinatos [eds], The Function of the Minoan Palaces. Proceedings of the 4th International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Stockholm. p. 245-248.

* Branigan, K. (1988), "Some Observations on State Formation in Crete". In E. French and K. Wardle [eds], Problems in Greek Prehistory. Bristol. p.63-70.

* Branigan, K. (1995), "Social Transformations and the Rise of the State in Crete". In R. Laffineur and W-D Niemeier [eds], Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Aegaeum 12. Vol. 1.Universite de Liege, University of Texas at Austin. p.33-40.

* Cadogan, G. (1976), Palaces of Minoan Crete. London.

* Cherry, J.F. (1984), The Emergence of the State in the Prehistoric Aegean. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society. Vol. 30. p. 18-48.

* Cherry, J.F. (1986), "Polities and Palaces: Some problems in Minoan State Formation". In C. Renfrew and J.F. Cherry [eds], Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-political Change. Cambridge. p. 19-45.

* Dickinson, O. (1994), The Aegean Bronze Age, Cambridge University Press.

* Driessen, J. and I. Schoep (1995), "The Architect and the Scribe. Political Implications of Architectural and Administrative Changes on MM II-IIIA Crete". In R. Laffineur and W-D Niemeier [eds], Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean bronze Age. Aegaeum 12. Vol. 2. Universite de Liege, University of Texas at Austin. p. 649-664.

* Graham, J.W. (1968), "The Cretan palace: sixty-seven years of exploration". In A Land called Crete. Northampton, Mass. p.17-44.

* Halstead, P. (1981), "From Determinism to Uncertainty: Social Storage and the Rise of the Minoan Palace". In A. Sheridan and C. Bailey [eds], Economic Archaeology. BAR Int.Series 96. Oxford.

* Halstead, P. (1988), "On Redistribution and the Origin of Minoan-Mycenaean Palatial Economies". In E. French and K. Wardle [eds], Problems in Greek Prehistory. Bristol. p. 519-530.

* Hood, S. (1990), The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. (3rd ed.). London.

* Pendlebury, J.D.S. (1979), The Archaeology of Crete. (2nd ed.). London.

* Poursat, J-C. (1987), "Town and Palace at Malia in the Protopalatial Period". In R. Hagg and N. Marinatos [eds], The Function of the Minoan Palaces. Proceedings of the 4th International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June 1984. Stockholm. p.75-76.

* Renfrew, C. (1972), The Emergence of Civilisation. London.

* Strasser, T. (1997), "Storage and States on Prehistoric Crete: The Function of the Koulouras in the First Minoan Palaces". Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology. Vol. 10(1). p. 73-100.

* Warren, P.M. (1972), Myrtos. London.

* Warren, P.M. (1987), "The Genesis of the Minoan Palace". In R. Hagg and N. Marinatos [eds], The Function of the Minoan Palaces. Proceedings of the 4th International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Stockholm. p. 47-56.

* Watrous, L.V. (1987), "The Role of the Near East in the Rise of the Cretan Palaces". In R. Hagg and N. Marinatos [eds], The Function of the Minoan Palaces. Proceedings of the 4th International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Stockholm. p. 65-70.

* Whitelaw, T.M. (1990), "The Settlement at Fournou Korifi, Myrtos and Aspects of Early Minoan Social Organisation". In O. Krzyszkowska and L. Nixon [eds], Minoan Society. (end ed.). Bristol. p. 323-340.

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